Ma explores the revisionist thesis of economic growth in China during the 18th and 19th centuries
“To understand the path of long-term economic growth or stagnation in China, we need to go beyond the study of resource endowments or technologies, to also incorporate an economic analysis of China’s traditional social and political institutions and their associated ideologies”
Debate is centred around the California school revisionist thesis on the 18th century Chinese economy
Rawski and Li’s Chinese History in Economic Perspective (1992) was the last economic history series
Since then, the history of China has vanished in economic studies on China
Understanding both institutions and history are important for understanding long-term economic growth in China
California school of thought: Pomeranz, James Lee, Bozhong Li, Bin Wong
http://eh.net/lists/archives/eh.res/ - ‘Rethinking 18th Century China’
Needham puzzle: why given scientific and technological leadership up until the 14th century did the Scientific Revolution forget China?
1970s (Elvin et al.): why given the unmatched superiority of Chinese technology and institutions in the Southern Song (1126-1278), industrial revolution did not take place in Chinese?
Bozhong Li, critically examines the ‘sprouts of capitalism’ literature
This literature assumed economic development in China should follow that of the European model as the universal standard
Li challenged the Song or Southern Song economic revolution that was argued by Elvin et al.
He argued their thesis was based on biased and selective evidence
Champ rice variety, argued by Elvin as being part of the Song economic revolution, appeared in the Song, but Li argues it was diffused during the Ming and Qing
There was a rise of dynamic, diverse and commercialized printing industry
Evidence of mass reading public in the Lower Yangzi
There was indisputable industrial progress between 1550-1850
Scale and technology of production
Organisation structure
Extent of the division of labour
Urbanisation did occur in China, but was different to the European model
Didn’t give rise to mega cities
Instead, formation of clusters of market towns
Geographic specialization
Indistinguishable boundaries between urban and rural
Blends of agricultural, commercial and industrial activities
Comparable to modern Cambridgeshire
Li’s evidence for the Lower Yangzi, countered the argument on the long-held Malthusian perception of Chinese demography
Widespread incidence of female infanticide, primitive contraception and abortions, birth-spacing to control marital fertilities, and adoptions
Revisionist view: Replaces the Song economic miracle thesis by an historical process with gradual and cumulative progress until the end of the 19th century
Economic expansion was distinctly different from the British or Western European model
Agricultural efficiency came from gains in using better fertilisers, rationalization of resource use, intensification cash-crop cultivation
In industry, technology and organization were geared toward the saving of scarce energy and resources
E.g. Smithian growth
Expansion in regional trade and geographic division of labour
Emphasized the expansion of trade and market
In contrast, British economic growth was based on the use of inanimate power
The level of development and the standard of living in China in the 18th century, at least in the advanced region of Lower Yangzi, were comparable to north-western Europe (Pomeranz)
Lower Yangzi was Boserupian (Ester Boserup)
Resource constraints were an optimistic stimulus to technical change and intensification
Song economic revolution / high level equilibrium trap thesis (Elvin)
Later called ‘involution theory’ (Huang)
Fundamentally Malthusian
Pessimistic view on resource constraints and over-population
Ignored factor-biased technological progress and factor substitution which partially prevent the fall in MPN
Japanese economic growth was again different to the West
Labour-using and land-saving as opposed to labour-saving path
The revisionists proposed China’s eventual failure to make a transition from Smithian/Boserupian growth to a Kuznetsian process of growth (systematic application of science and technology and sustained per capital income increase)
Pomeranz proposes this was down to the absence of coal deposits in the Lower Yangzi (back to resource endowments)
Resource endowments thesis is the starting point and end point of both the involutionist and California school
Yet their conclusions are very different
Property rights and contract enforcement are essential to inter-regional trade and market integration
Wang and Shiue found a reasonably high degree of market integration and efficiency in 18th century China
Rivalling or even exceeding that of contemporary Europe
Increasing acknowledgement of importance of law to economic development
Weber describes substantive justice as individual case maximization of justice and equity based on legal, moral, political and other factors
Legal statutes were strong in China and not open to contest and interpretation
Magistrates also provided ‘didactic conciliation’
Not legal ‘adjudication’ as in Western legal system
Different ideologies of ‘rationalities’ upon which the institutions of dispute resolutions were constructed can lead to different economic growth paths
Family bylaws, lineage rules and guild regulations overcame the information and commitment problems
Enabling commercial expansion in Ming and Qing China
Lineage, as distinguished from family, has a distinctive ‘corporate’ character (Faure)
Lineages could expand and contract via lineage union (lianzhong)
Motivation behind this was economic and political more than anything else
A region’s degree of commercialization seemed to be positively correlated with its strength of lineage organization
Trust among Hui lineages provided credit, capital and business partnerships
“no Hui, no...